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Ladataan... A Brief History of the Late Ottoman EmpireTekijä: M. Şükrü Hanioğlu
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At the turn of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire straddled three continents and encompassed extraordinary ethnic and cultural diversity among the estimated thirty million people living within its borders. It was perhaps the most cosmopolitan state in the world--and possibly the most volatile. A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire now gives scholars and general readers a concise history of the late empire between 1789 and 1918, turbulent years marked by incredible social change. Moving past standard treatments of the subject, M. Sükrü Hanioglu emphasizes broad historical trends and processes more than single events. He examines the imperial struggle to centralize amid powerful opposition from local rulers, nationalist and other groups, and foreign powers. He looks closely at the socioeconomic changes this struggle wrought and addresses the Ottoman response to the challenges of modernity. Hanioglu shows how this history is not only essential to comprehending modern Turkey, but is integral to the histories of Europe and the world. He brings Ottoman society marvelously to life in all its facets--cultural, diplomatic, intellectual, literary, military, and political--and he mines imperial archives and other documents from the period to describe it as it actually was, not as it has been portrayed in postimperial nationalist narratives. A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire is a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the legacy left in this empire's ruins--a legacy the world still grapples with today. Kirjastojen kuvailuja ei löytynyt. |
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One of the fascinating undercurrents developed by Hanioğlu throughout the book is the evolution of Ottoman intellectual life. The printing of nonreligious books in Turkish was not permitted until 1727, but then only 140 books were published by the major printing houses before 1838. Hanioğlu writes that opposition to the printing press came not only from ‘religious fanaticism’ but from the thousands of individuals who made a living from manuscript production (think My Name is Red). According to an inventory from 1801, most of the books belonging to the askerí (administrative) class in Instanbul dealt with religious topics (the Qu’ran, prayer books and catechisms); the rest were works of canonical jurisprudence, Persian verse, and lessons in Arabic grammar. The Tanzimat era saw the birth of provincial gazettes and newspapers that fostered debate on hitherto neglected subjects such as the rights of man, regime types and economic problems. Satirical journals mocking the ulema appeared in the capital, and scientific journals published discussions of Darwinism and Lyell’s Evidence for the Antiquity of Man, presenting geology and history as tools for understanding the human past, and taking care to disguise the critique of religion as an assault on superstition. European materialist ideas circulated among graduates of the new imperial academies and universities; when the science journal Mecmûa-i Fünûn invited readers in 1864 to contribute books toward the establishment of a new library, all but two of the 126 volumes donated were by Europeans (Bacon, La Fontaine, Helvétius, Montesquieu, d’Holbach, inter alia). The others were a copy of the Ottoman legal code and the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun. New theatre buildings in the capital staged plays by local and international writers and hosted foreign circus shows. The Tanzimat elite’s taste for the European avant-garde was exemplified by the Ottoman diplomat Halil Şerif Pasha’s commissioning of Gustave Courbet’s infamous L’origine du Monde. The intrusion of European sexual mores into Ottoman society contributed to the stigmatization of homosexuality among men of the elite; Hanioğlu quotes the foremost Ottoman historian of the late 19th c., that, in the capital, “women-lovers proliferated while boy-lovers disappeared.”
Under the outwardly pious Abdulhamid II, German Vulgärmaterialismus (a mix of materialism, scientism, and Social Darwinism exemplified by Ernst Haeckel’s Monism) proliferated in popular science journals; being apolitical, these were spared by the censor. Spinoza, once a target of criticism by traditional Ottoman scholars, came in for lavish praise by the 1880s. A bibliography of all Turkish books and translations published in Istanbul between 1876 and 1890 lists only 200 of almost 4,000 titles as dealing with religious topics. The list features approximately 500 works on science, with much of the remainder made up of legal and literary works. The Sultan—who denounced Western mores but had a secret passion for Western classical music—tolerated the secular materialists and persecuted Islamist intellectuals, since the latter had greater capacity to legitimize criticism of his regime. Only after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 did Islamist intellectual activity begin to thrive. Elements of the CUP undertook to reconcile Islam with science and modernity, some advocating the construction of a modern Islam that limited itself to matters of private faith and rituals, others supporting the use of a modernist Islam to rally religion to the national cause and project religious ‘Turkism.’ The Turkist reconciliation with both Islam and secularism under the CUP was radically new, says Hanioğlu, and the emergence of an intellectual, nationalist vanguard at the expense of traditional religious elites stands as the most significant consequence of the rise of the Young Turks. ( )